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INTRODUCTION
The evidence is clear that growth hormone (GH) therapy can virtually
eliminate the predicted height deficit for individuals with classic
GH deficiency (GHD) if treatment is initiated at a sufficiently young
age.1 The unlimited availability of biosynthetic growth
hormone (rhGH) has also made it possible to extend treatment to
children who do not have GHD, but nonetheless exhibit short stature
(SS) or poor growth. Consequently, the treatment of SS has become
dissociated from its causes. Conditions for which rhGH is efficacious
in promoting faster growth and taller stature include a diverse set
of conditions: Turner syndrome,2 chronic renal
insufficiency,3 Prader-Willi syndrome,4
children born small for gestational age5 and, most
recently, idiopathic short stature (ISS), ie, short, but without
diagnosable pathology.6 In addition to eliciting improved
growth velocity, rhGH has also been shown to produce metabolic
benefits in particular conditions, eg, GHD, Prader-Willi syndrome,
and chronic renal insufficiency.
The
primary rationale for rhGH treatment has traditionally rested on the
assumption that SS, in the extreme, may constitute a physical
disability, and otherwise serves as a significant psychosocial burden
for the individual. Furthermore, treatment is predicated on the
belief that rhGH-induced increases in height will improve quality of
life (QOL). Allen and Fost7 infer from the growing number
of conditions for which rhGH is prescribed that “the cause of
short stature is not morally relevant in deciding who is entitled to
treatment.” These authors proposed that rhGH therapy is
indicated when a “disability” in adaptation attributable
to SS is identified (rather than by virtue of a medical diagnosis),
and that treatment should be aimed at correcting this disability up
to the point that an adult height within the “normal range”
is attained, ie, 5th percentile.
This
review summarizes what is known about the psychosocial aspects of SS
and the QOL benefits of rhGH treatment. Stereotypes and assumptions
about SS are evaluated in light of empirical findings. As described
elsewhere,8 studies and reviews were identified on
MEDLINE® and PsychINFO® and The
Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews® using the
terms “short,” “stature,” “height,”
or “growth hormone” combined with “psychological,”
“psychosocial,” or “quality of life.”
EVALUATING PSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH ON SS
Analogue versus “real world ”
Research
on stereotypical beliefs about those with SS is often conducted by
assessing participants’ perceptions in “analogue”
studies. Social scientists employ analogue studies to answer
well-defined research questions by isolating aspects of everyday life
and assessing them within a controlled setting. The validity of
findings stemming from such research designs has been questioned when
used to investigate complicated social phenomena. Analogue studies of
the psychosocial concomitants of SS that constrain information about
the individual, or which place emphasis on stature, may unwittingly
tap the stereotypes held by participants, but may be poor predictors
of how participants perceive or treat an individual in the “real
world.”
Descriptive cross-sectional studies
A
common strategy is to use standardized questionnaires or interviews
to assess psychological characteristics of individuals with SS, and
then compare findings to those of individuals of average height. Such
descriptive studies typically assess research participants at only
one point in time and do not include an evaluation of an
intervention, eg, response to a treatment such as rhGH. Validity of
cross-sectional studies can be threatened by sample selection biases
and participant reactivity.
a) Sample selection biases. Ascertainment of the psychosocial
adaptation of individuals with SS depends on the composition of the
targeted group. To evaluate the generalizability of the findings to
all individuals with SS, research must provide details regarding the
representativeness of the sample, ie, the proportion of those
individuals eligible for study, based upon anthropometric criteria,
who participate relative to those who do not. Factors resulting in an
over-representation of better or poorer functioning individuals would
bias the findings. Examples of clinic-based studies in which sample
representativeness cannot be ascertained, and which report greater
behavioral dysfunction among children and adolescents with SS,
include 2 large studies.10,11 Investigations that have
more carefully recruited clinically representative samples of
referred short youths have shown these groups to be similar in
behavioral adjustment to population-based norms12,13 and
classmates.14
b) Comparison samples. The composition of comparison or control
groups for individuals with SS is no less important than the
selection of the target group when the goal is to make statements
regarding the prevalence of problems. Factors contributing to
recruiting a comparison sample that is functioning better than the
general population would result in the SS group appearing less
well-adapted.15 Participant recruitment techniques which
result in generally better functioning individuals include reliance
on volunteers who are generally better adapted than those in the
general population.16 As an alternative to recruiting a
control group, it is common to compare the target group (ie, youths
with SS) with “norms” for the standardized method(s)
administered. This practice is fraught with risks, including
differences in inclusion and exclusion criteria and demographic
characteristics that are related to participants’ scores.17
c) Reactivity of assessment. An additional potential threat to
the validity of a study stems from the subject’s awareness of
being studied.9 The individual’s motives and
interpretations of the study can influence responses. For example,
participants in clinic-based studies of the psychological adaptation
of individuals with SS might assume that their role is to describe
the liabilities associated with diminutive size, since they are being
evaluated for short stature. If the participant’s awareness of
the assessment leads to a different response from usual, the measure
is said to be reactive. Studies that have masked the
examination of participant’s height have failed to detect an
association between height and psychosocial adaptation.
d) Sources of information about the individual’s psychosocial
adaptation. Limited concordance in the reports of psychological
adaptation across informants (child, parent, peers, others) is common
and serves as a caution to readers of psychosocial literature
regarding SS.19 Stronger research designs involve the
collection of data from multiple sources.20 The most valid
source of information about the social relationships of youths with
SS would derive from studies utilizing peers as informants.21
This strategy has been adopted in only 2 studies, one examining the
social status of clinic-referred youth14 and a community
sample.18
Treatment studies
Studies
that examine the influence of medical treatments (such as rhGH
therapy) on psychological outcomes are vulnerable to threats stemming
from evaluation bias introduced through either the informant’s
(often the parent) or examiner’s knowledge that the patient is
receiving the treatment, or placebo effects. In most research, the
minimal experimental conditions include one group that receives an
intervention and another group that does not (control group). The
purpose of adopting a no-intervention group is to rule out
alternative explanations for change in the intervention group, eg,
placebo effects or regression toward the mean.
To
the best of our knowledge, there has been only one clinical trial of
the psychological effects of rhGH in children and adolescents that
employed a randomized, placebo-controlled research design.22
A recent meta-analysis suggests that placebo effects are stronger in
clinical trials employing continuous subjective outcomes (such
as measures of psychosocial adaptation) as compared to large trials
employing dichotomous objective outcomes.23
The “regression toward the mean” should also be considered.
This concept refers to the tendency of extreme scores on any measure
to regress toward the mean of the distribution when the measure is
re-administered. If individuals are selected for a study in a manner
that they are more likely to generate extreme scores on a given
measure, one can predict on statistical grounds that scores will tend
to revert toward the mean on subsequent retesting.15 To
rule out this phenomenon as an explanation, changes observed in the
treated group need to be compared with changes seen over the same
time interval in a sample with similarly elevated baseline scores.24
Expectation biases may also be introduced into the data by relying on parent
reports of children’s behavioral adaptation. Parents’
worries about their children’s psychological adjustment to SS
likely contribute to the referral to a pediatric endocrinologist and
acceptance of a recommendation for rhGH therapy. These same worries
may also be associated with an expectation (bias) that rhGH therapy
results in reduced behavior problems. It is important to validate
parental reports of psychological problems against other sources of
information (eg, patients, teachers, or peers). Studies that have
adopted this approach have demonstrated few differences between
patients with SS and comparison or control groups.12,18,20
STATURE-RELATED STEREOTYPES
Stereotyping refers to a process in which identical characteristics are assigned
to all individuals within a group, regardless of the actual variation
among group members. Negative stereotypes regarding experiences and
characteristics of individuals with SS are plentiful and categorized
as: accompanying psychological characteristics, differential
treatment by others, social relationships, and education/occupation
(Table 1). Children’s and adults’ beliefs about height
reliably demonstrate a bias toward the notion that “taller is
better.” With few exceptions, both children and adults
attribute significantly less favorable characteristics to short
individuals compared to those of tall or average height.25-28
It is thus not surprising that youths and adults of both genders
prefer to be taller.29-31
It
has been suggested that individuals with SS experience disadvantages
in the way they are treated due to stature-related societal
perceptions.32 As early as preschool age, mothers
differentially treat girls based upon height.33 Two
studies in adults investigated the relationship between a person’s
height and “personal space.” Results were mixed: in one,
the taller individual was afforded more space34; in the
other, differences were not found.35 Research on the
effects of height on social relationships focuses on heterosexual
dating and partner selection. For dating relationships, findings
support the conventional notion that taller is more attractive, and
this appears particularly true for males,27,36-38 but less
so for females.27,38 Regarding the importance of height in
partner selection, the man’s height is more important a
consideration for women than the reverse.28,39
When asked to evaluate classmates’ competence, preschool boys rated
small boys as better at “art” than tall boys; girls rated
tall boys as smarter than small boys; but girls’ height did not
correlate with ratings.33 Mothers rated tall boys and
girls as more competent than small boys in the majority of domains,33
and had greater expectations for mastery and achievement from taller
children.40 With regard to adults’ occupational
status, undergraduates judged individuals who have more prestigious
occupations as taller than those of less prestige.41,42
They also expected taller people to have a higher professional status
than shorter people.27
QOL ASSUMPTIONS REGARDING SS
Assumption 1: Patients with SS experience chronic psychosocial stress (Table 2).
Early studies showed that SS is associated with teasing and
juvenilization.43 These investigations were generally
restricted to patients with complex medical conditions with little
attention directed toward bias introduced by subject selection
factors.44 Two relatively recent clinic-based studies
found that approximately 60% to 70% of patients referred to pediatric
endocrinologists for a growth evaluation had experienced teasing or
juvenilization, and that these stressors were experienced with some
regularity.13,45 Contrary to expectations, however, the
child’s relative height (–3.1 to –0.2 height SD)
was not significantly related to the incidence of these
negative experiences.13 Furthermore, the presence of
psychosocial stress does not imply that SS constitutes a
“disability”.7 To rise to this threshold, it
would be necessary to provide clear evidence that these stressors are
associated with clinically significant impairment in social,
academic, or occupational functioning.
Assumption 2: Patients with SS exhibit clinically significant problems of
psychosocial adaptation. It is commonly believed that patients
with SS exhibit clinically significant behavioral or emotional
problems.43 Implicit in this assumption is the expectation
that psychiatric problems are significantly more common among
patients with SS than in the general population (rates of childhood
psychiatric disorders fall between 18% and 22%).46
However, this does not appear to be the case when selection biases in
participant recruitment are minimized. For example, self-esteem scale
scores for short youths referred for evaluation of SS were higher
(ie, more positive) than questionnaire norms, despite reports
that the majority of these individuals experienced teasing and
juvenilization.13 The same was true for behavior
disturbance: patients reported significantly fewer problems than
questionnaire norms, and parental reports indicated that patients
were indistinguishable from the norms in behavioral and emotional
functioning.13 Similar findings were reported in other
clinic-based studies.12,20 In contrast, other studies
report significantly more behavioral and emotional problems among
children with SS relative to norms as measured by self- and
parental-report.10,11 Unfortunately, key details essential
to gauge the representativeness of these samples10,11 were
not provided, such as the total number of eligible patients and the
method of targeting participants for behavioral studies.24
Studies featuring clinically representative samples show behavioral
adjustment is comparable to classmates14 and to
population-based norms.12,13
Corollary
of Assumptions 1 and 2: Individuals with SS in the general population
also exhibit significant problems of psychosocial adaptation.
Although rarely articulated, it follows from both preceding
assumptions that short youths who are not referred for a
medical evaluation are similarly at risk for psychosocial adaptation
problems. In the prospective, longitudinal Wessex Growth Study, in
which the sample comprised short, healthy children from the general
population, no evidence of serious psychosocial or academic
disadvantage was found.47-50 Although individuals in the
SS group preferred to be taller, and reported more bullying than
their taller peers,29 neither the desire for physical
change nor bullying had measurable effects on school performance or
self-esteem,47,48,50 suggesting that stigmatized
individuals use self-protective cognitive mechanisms that allow
self-esteem to remain intact.12
In
the largest study of its type, and the only one conducted on a
national probability sample of the U.S. population, Wilson and
colleagues51 assessed the relationship between stature,
IQ, and academic achievement. Statistically controlling for
potentially confounding background characteristics, subjects’
height contributed significantly (approximately 2%) to the prediction
of both indices. The Wessex Growth Study replicated this general
finding. However, as in the U.S. study, height explained only 2% of
the variance in IQ. Socioeconomic factors, rather than stature, best
predicted psychosocial and academic outcomes.48
A statistically significant relationship between men’s heights
and the likelihood of completing college was not found.52
Taller men were not more likely to achieve higher professional status
when analyses controlled for educational attainment.52
Studies of the relationship between height and income often report
that tall men and women earn more than their shorter colleagues.52-56
However, when potentially confounding variables such as age, health,
education, and family of origin characteristics are controlled for
statistically, the relationship between height and income is
attenuated.52,56 In a cohort study of all healthy Swedish
military conscripts in 1994, short conscripts (< -2
height SD) exhibited more physical and mental health problems and
scored lower on tests of intellectual performance than taller men.57
The investigators raised the possibility that the association between
height and physical and psychological adaptiveness are indirectly
linked. For example, biological factors that contribute to poorer
growth may also be responsible for poorer physical performance and
more limited intellectual aptitude.
The relationship between height and marriage rates varies by study. In
the National Child Development Study (a longitudinal study of British
citizens), the probability of being married was 7% lower for short
men (<9th percentile) and 5% lower for tall women
(>90th percentile) than for adults of average height
(20th–79th percentiles), when
statistically controlling for social class, education, health, race,
and region of residence.53 Contrasting findings were
derived from the U.S. National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, a study
featuring a comparable research design. Although short men exhibited
lower rates of first marriage than those of average height, this
effect disappeared once family-of-origin variables (parental
education, poverty status, and region of the country) were taken into
account; no consistent relationship was found between women’s
height and marriage rates.58,59
Assumption 3: Height-related social stress results in significant problems of
psychological adjustment. As both teasing60,61 and
psychological adaptation problems46 are relatively common
among children and adolescents, support for Assumption 3 should come
from a demonstrated statistical link between stressful
stature-related experiences and psychosocial dysfunction. In the only
study that specifically addressed this issue, parental report of
stature-related teasing significantly predicted increased emotional
problems.45 The proportion of unique variance in problem
scores attributable to teasing was approximately 2% and increased (to
between 4% and 5%) when the frequency of teasing was taken into
account. Juvenilization also contributed unique explanatory value,
and summated with teasing as a negative influence on psychosocial
adaptation.
Assumption 4: Increased growth velocity and height induced by rhGH therapy
result in improved QOL. There are very few randomized, controlled
trials of the QOL benefits of rhGH treatment (and only one randomized
placebo-controlled trial22). In the Wessex Growth Study,
rhGH-treated children with ISS were compared with those in an
untreated control group at recruitment and after 3 and 5 years.62
Despite a significant increase in height in the treatment group,
there were no differences between the groups on the behavioral
measures at any of the 3 assessments. Comparable results were found
in a more recent study in which, despite increased height in the
treated group, no improvement on self- or parental-report measures of
psychosocial adaptation and self-esteem were found.20 In a
recently published report on the psychological benefits of rhGH
therapy, youths with ISS were randomly assigned to either treatment
or a control group which received placebo injections.22 At
baseline, the behavioral/emotional adjustment and self-esteem scores
for children with ISS were within the normative range. Furthermore,
no systematic relationship was observed between attained height SDs,
or the change in height SDs from baseline and annual changes in
behavior problem or self-esteem scores. Finally, in a retrospective
study of young adults who either had or had not been treated with
rhGH therapy for ISS, no differences in education level or QOL were
found,31 though the treated patients had a romantic
partner less often than participants who did not receive rhGH therapy
in childhood.
Although the focus of the “treat or not to treat” debate is
directed at rhGH therapy, androgen treatment of boys with
constitutional growth delay has long been a strategy to accelerate
growth velocity, hasten the onset of secondary sex characteristics
and, thereby, ameliorate perceived psychological distress, without
sacrificing adult height.63-65 There has never been a
comparison of the psychological benefits of rhGH versus androgen
therapy. A direct comparison is tantalizing considering the
differences in the objective of treatment (ie, hastening pubertal
progression versus achievement of taller adult height), duration of
treatment, and cost.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Practice guidelines for the use of rhGH therapy in children with SS state
that decisions regarding “instituting or continuing therapy
should be individualized...and be guided by the goal of improving the
quality of life of the child and future adult.”66
These recommendations are echoed by Allen and Fost7 who
emphasize that access to rhGH therapy should be guided by the
identification and amelioration of disability stemming from SS.
Identifying those who experience SS as a “disability” is
a challenging task. The fact that the child or adolescent experiences
teasing or juvenilization, or that the family is seeking a
consultation from a pediatric endocrinologist, are insufficient
reasons to make this determination. Psychosocial stress is a common
phenomenon in child development and, by itself, does not imply
psychiatric dysfunction or even significant problems of psychosocial
adaptation. Noeker and Haverkamp67 developed a useful
conceptual framework to guide the psychological assessment of SS
which can be used to inform clinical management decisions. Three
hierarchical levels of assessment are identified: stress exposure due
to SS (Level I), quality of coping responses (Level II), and
occurrence of psychopathology (Level III) (Table 3).
Clinical management is facilitated by a thorough psychosocial evaluation
designed to delineate specific stressors experienced by the child,
the pattern of coping, and psychosocial adaptation. Because of the
salience of SS and its potential to serve as a lightning rod
diverting attention from other stressors, clinicians must be watchful
of misattributions by the child, parents, or others (including
oneself20). This influence may direct attention away from
prescribing psychosocial interventions for maladaptive coping.68
This evaluation serves to assess individual characteristics (eg,
intelligence, temperament) and social-ecologic factors (eg, degree of
stress in the child’s environment, salience of height to the
family, social support from peers) that could moderate the influence
of height on psychosocial adaptation. Finally, identifying adaptive
coping strategies as an alternative (or adjunct) to rhGH therapy is
an additional goal. Gathering such detailed information is prudent in
view of the clinical evidence showing that the adult height of
formerly treated GH-sufficient individuals often remains
substantially below average.6,69-71
The comprehensive nature of this evaluation implies that it should be
conducted by a mental health professional—ideally by a member
of the pediatric endocrinology team, knowledgeable in both the
medical and psychosocial aspects of SS. The team member is in a
position to delineate predictable psychosocial experiences related to
SS and to offer anticipatory guidance to patients and families. The
entire team should reassure parents that SS does not have to limit
their child’s current or future happiness, success, or
productivity. However this is an ideal model that most often is not
applied in clinical practice, even in most academic centers. Thus,
the practicing physician caring for children with SS needs to balance
the “do’s and don’ts” (Table 4) before
casting assumptions for the consequences of SS and the
recommendations for treatment.
Parents may evaluate factors for and against rhGH therapy differently from
physicians.72,73 Factors parents consider (in order of
descending importance) include risk of long-term side-effects,
out-of-pocket costs, the child’s attitude toward wanting rhGH
therapy, the likelihood of a height increase, the magnitude of the
height increase, and the route of rhGH administration.72
Given the importance of these to families, it is prudent to gear
interactions toward addressing these priorities. To this list, we
would add the importance of making explicit the assumptions that the
child, family, and physician hold concerning the liabilities of SS
and the expected benefits of rhGH therapy (Table 4).
CONCLUSION
AND SPECULATION
Commonly held beliefs and attitudes serve as implicit assumptions in the QOL
rationale for applications of rhGH therapy beyond the traditional
role of hormone replacement. In view of the findings on stereotypes,
particularly research findings gleaned from laboratory studies, it is
understandable that parents of children with SS may be concerned
about their child’s psychosocial and educational adaptation.
However, findings from clinic- and general population-based research
on the real-world experiences of youths and adults with SS do not
generally support the view that SS is associated with psychological
dysfunction, ie, constitutes a “disability”.7
Similarly, research on the QOL benefits of rhGH therapy does not
demonstrate efficacy for this outcome.
What
might account for the stability of negative stereotypes and
assumptions regarding SS despite contradictory evidence? Schkade and
Kahneman74 proposed that a “focusing illusion”
potentially accounts for such a phenomenon. Assuming (with
considerable evidence to support it8,26) most believe that
SS is associated with multiple negative characteristics, it follows
that evaluations of an individual’s QOL that focus on this
isolated trait would be overly negative. The focusing illusion occurs
“when a judgment about an entire object or category is made
with attention focused on a subset of that category, . . . whereby
the attended subset is overweighted relative to the unattended
subset.”74 Schwarz and colleagues (as cited in 74)
described one instance of the focusing illusion. In their study,
college students were asked 2 questions: “How happy are you?”
“How many dates did you have last month?” The correlation
between responses to the questions depended on which question was
asked first. When the happiness question came first, the correlation
was 0.12. However, when the dating question preceded the one on
happiness, the correlation rose to 0.66. Thus, focusing on one aspect
of life to the exclusion of others results in overweighting of that
factor in the experience of well-being. In the case of the individual
with SS who is being queried about social experiences they believe
are linked to height, the context of questioning encourages the
respondent to focus on this one aspect of their life to the exclusion
of others. Under these circumstances, responses are likely to be
overweighted in the negative direction because of the shift of focus
away from compensating factors. The focusing illusion thus serves as
a potential explanation for why our perceptions of the QOL of
others—in this case those with SS—seems to be off the
mark. The existence of a focusing illusion may also serve as a
cautionary note for parents and clinicians. The possibility exists
that by focusing on height, this characteristic becomes overvalued
relative to less salient ones. Ironically, the treatment with rhGH of
individuals who are destined to be shorter than average, and the
attendant focusing of attention and energy over years, may
potentially amplify the negative influence of this cognitive
phenomenon.
In conclusion, the data summarized indicate that most individuals with
SS adapt psychologically to the common psychosocial stresses
associated with height. These positive findings notwithstanding,
family and physician concerns for the child may be influenced by
prevalent stature-related stereotypes and prejudices. Furthermore,
the conclusion that individuals generally make positive adaptations
to difficult circumstances should not be used as a justification to
ignore stresses that may be remediable. It is worth remembering that
subgroups of children (and households) are already facing multiple
challenges to healthy psychological function, and that the burden of
teasing or juvenilization may push the balance from adaptive to
maladaptive coping. Valid “remedies” for children
experiencing stress (and distress) related to SS will likely come
about through individualized treatments involving both psychosocial
and medical interventions, including the use of growth-promoting
medications.
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